Showing posts with label john crosbie. Show all posts
Showing posts with label john crosbie. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 08, 2007

John strikes back

John Crosbie continues to defend MUN in the Telegram and Western Star against the recent Grenfell autonomy decision of government.

He writes, in part:
The issue now is whether Grenfell does become an independent second university in Newfoundland and Labrador or whether Option 1(a) is adopted so that Grenfell becomes a second independent university but disguised as part of a single Memorial University system where Grenfell would have university status with a separate and independent president, executive, Senate and budget but sharing a common Board of Regents with the present MUN.

The Regents and I believe this is unworkable and undesirable and most damaging to the future of MUN. It is an arrangement that would make it impossible to manage and administer the affairs of this so-called university system and MUN without constant political interference and constant continuing battles as to how the resources of MUN are to be divided in future between Grenfell and the rest of the principal entities of MUN, including the Marine Institute.

The board and I do not believe that following Option 1(a) is in the best interest of any part of this province or any of its citizens. I am disappointed to see the premier attempt to justify what he proposes by suggesting that this is an example of the fact that "decisions should be made outside the overpass".

The overpass has no bearing on this issue and it is an attempt to obscure what is happening through political sloganeering. When I was in political life my decisions had nothing whatsoever to do with the overpass or where it was located, both as a federal and a provincial minister, but were guided by what I hope was in the best interest of every part of the province and all of the people who live therein.

Sunday, July 29, 2007

Two MUNs or not two MUNS?

This is the 15 (!!) page press release from John Crosbie on the issue of the government's goal of Grenfell autonomy. It is very much worth the read.

In the meantime, here is some other coverage from the Muse (student paper) and the Telegram. VOCM has this piece in which the Principal of Grenfell, John Ashton, has no shame in baldly calling Mr. Crosbie misleading and hysterical.

Here's the Crosbie release. Far from hysterical, it reads excruciatingly clear and logical to me.

That must be why it stings.

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Press Release dated the 27th day of July, 2007 of the Honourable John C. Crosbie, P.C., O.C., Q.C, Chancellor of the Memorial University of Newfoundland concerning the threat to the future of Memorial University and its autonomy caused by politically motivated interference with the future governance of Memorial by steps initiated to cause the formation of a second University in Newfoundland and Labrador located at the Grenfell Campus threatening the future of Memorial University.

I was appointed Chancellor of MUN by then Premier Clyde Wells in June, 1994 and since have been the Chancellor and an ex-officio member for the Board of Regents for 13 years. I have served as Chancellor during the administrations of Premiers Brian Tobin and Roger Grimes and since November 6, 2003 under Premier Danny Williams’ administration.

The Memorial University Act of the House of Assembly provides for the University to be governed by a 30 member Board of Regents including six elected by the MUN Alumni Association with four students and 17 others appointed by the Lieutenant Governor In Council and with three ex-officio members. The Act provides that the Board is to govern the affairs of the University providing in section 35 that “the management, administration and control of the property, revenue, business and affairs of the University are vested in the Board.”

It should be noted that in June, 2005 the Williams administration accepted and confirmed the White Paper dealing with post-secondary education which the Government had had prepared by Mr. Wayne Ludlow and that in that White Paper the Williams administration confirmed that it envisioned a post-secondary education system that comprised one University and one College.

That paper pointed out that the single University system made MUN more competitive with Universities in Atlantic Canada and elsewhere with respect to marketing and the recruitment and retention of faculty, staff and students. It stated that such a system had ensured the most effective use of resources and great benefits to the citizens, government, community groups, industry, faculty, staff, and, most importantly, benefits for our students leaving MUN to grow, to acquire an excellent national reputation and to attract increasing international recognition.

That policy paper which confirmed the policy implemented by all governments since Newfoundland entered confederation in 1949 also pointed out that accountability is a key tenet of University governments and that the ultimate authority for ensuring such accountability rests with the Board of Regents.

Despite this White Paper and confirmation of this policy by the Williams administration in June, 2005 just a few months later before the end of 2005 the government ignored its own White Paper and announced they were appointing Professor Kelly of Ireland and Professor Davies of the United Kingdom to consider a number of options for the future governance of Sir Wilfred Grenfell College at Corner Brook (Grenfell) and to do a feasibility study with respect to the governance of Grenfell.

Why this had to be done in view of the approval of the public policy adopted for 58 years by various governments of Newfoundland that the province should have only one University certainly appears strange. Strange also is consultant Kelly advising President Meisen in a letter of March 21, 2006 that “I emphasize that our function is to submit the range of options for Grenfell College and not to make a recommendation” while this is exactly what they did.”

They suggested the concept that both Universities should share a common governing Board of Regents, making the two institutions part of a proposed new Memorial University “system”. Then without any consultation whatsoever with the Regents or MUN administration or any of the stakeholders of MUN the Williams administration on April 27th issued a Press Release indicating that it “supports a preferred option that will give the College increased University status, within the single Memorial University system.”

Such a single Memorial University system is nothing but a disguise for the fact that Grenfell under that scenario would be an independent University with its own President and with one Board of Regents under constant political pressure to carry out the government’s will with respect to where assets and support go throughout the system putting the Board of Regents under political pressure at every meeting to do whatever the Government wishes to be done within the so called single Memorial University system.

Despite the fact that the Regents and the University administration had requested copies of the Kelly/Davies report be given to them before it was publicly released by the Williams Administration that Administration held the report for eight months neither giving copies to the Regents nor consulting with the Regents as to the report or any of its recommendations.

The copies of that report involving in such an important manner the future of Memorial University and post-secondary education in the province was not shared with the Regents nor the University administration nor any discussion held with them on the report before it was made public and the government’s decision announced and released on budget day when the government announced through Minister of Finance, Marshall, the MHA for the District of Humber East, the government’s decision on the report stating that “this new governance model is an important step in allowing Sir Wilfred Grenfell to lead economic and social development on the West Coast. It is yet another example of the rejuvenation the Corner Brook region is witnessing under the Williams government.”

This statement by the Minister clearly revealed the political motivation that was behind the appointment of those consultants to do what government called “a feasibility study on the future role of Grenfell” with the campus of Grenfell located within Humber West, represented by the Premier and near the District of Humber East represented by Minister Marshall.

On April 27th when the Williams Administration released the report and issued a Press Release it supported the “preferred option that will give the College increased University status, within a single Memorial University system.”

The political motivation that lies behind these actions of the government and the statements of Minister Marshall is confirmed again when earlier on October 21st 2005, public statements were made by Premier Williams in an interview with the Telegram Editorial Board, reported in the Telegram, where he stated he wanted Grenfell “to stand on its own as the Province’s second University.” He said as well “I don’t want Grenfell to just be a subsidiary or affiliate of Memorial, which is run by (MUN President) Axel Meisen and his team and all the St. John’s crowd.”

He wanted to see a competitive University situation in our province citing with approval Nova Scotia, which has eleven Universities, which most educators regard as a distinct disadvantage for Nova Scotia. The Premier in this extraordinary interview went on to state with respect to Grenfell that “right now Axel wants to have it under the thumb and I don’t agree with him under any circumstances on that one. Axel and I don’t see eye to eye.” He further said he had asked the Education Minister to have his Department move forward with a feasibility study on this issue. The results of the feasibility study were certainly predictable.

On September 1st the Premier and Minister Marshall were also reported in the Western Star as saying that Grenfell must control its own destiny. On September 9th the Premier suggested “that Memorial was inhibiting the growth of the College and in turn the City.” He suggested that the small management of Grenfell “is completely and totally preoccupied with providing reports to Axel Meisen and his group that impedes other things that they could be doing as well.”

These public statements and the record make clear that at least since the fall of 2005 the Grenfell group, led by Principal Ashton, has clearly met and worked with the Premier and Minister Marshall to accomplish their objective of having Grenfell become the second University in the Province.

These public statements certainly show why the consultants were appointed and their recommendations made and explain the Government’s actions since as they failed to consult properly or at all with the President, the Regents, the administration of Memorial and the stakeholders of Memorial and failed to make the so called feasibility study even available to those associated with and responsible for the governance of MUN. This whole pattern of behaviour by the Government, the Premier and his Ministers have demonstrated both publicly and privately their lack of respect for the Board of Regents, the Chancellor, the President and all those associated with the management and governance of MUN.

I support completely what has clearly and publicly and firmly been adopted as public policy in post-secondary education in NL since Memorial was created as a University in 1949. That principle was that NL should have one University, Memorial University, now an institution widely recognized and accepted across Canada and internationally as a very fine University institution. In my view the stakeholders in this University including the faculty, the students, the 60,000 alumni, 71% of whom live in this Province and the Senate of the University and the people of the Province should be given an opportunity to indicate what their views are on this fundamental public educational policy relating to MUN.

For the 58 years since 1949, all Premiers of Newfoundland, until the Williams’ administration took office, all chairs of the Board of Regents of Memorial and members of the Board of Regents and all Presidents of Memorial have accepted and acted on this firm and fundamental principle.

The standard to which Memorial University aspires was set by the first Premier, Joseph R. Smallwood, who declared that Memorial should be the most distinguished institution for its size in the world. To accomplish that, it was decided that there should be one university only in this Province so that there would be the greatest possibility of Memorial becoming such a distinguished institution. That policy has been continued by the 7 Premiers who followed J.R. Smallwood and their administrations and fully supported by them until the present and from the time of Dr. Raymond Gushue as President, by all Presidents including the late Moses O. Morgan, Dr. Leslie Harris, Dr. Arthur May and our present President, Dr. Axel Meisen.

The Regents after a great deal of research and discussion, sent to the Williams’ administration a statement of principles on the governance of Grenfell College outlining the firm opinion of the Regents that this Province is best served by a system that (1) has one university, Memorial University of Newfoundland; (2) is governed by one Board of Regents since accountability is the key requirement of University governance and the ultimate authority for ensuring accountability rests with the Board of Regents, (3) is presided over by one President as Chief Executive Officer who must have responsibility for the entire University, if the responsibility for the day-to-day operations of the University, designated by the Board to the President together with the development of a strategic plan of the institution is to be achieved and carried out with MUN consisting of three principal entities, with clearly defined mandates and working collaboratively, the St. John’s campus, the Grenfell campus and the Marine Institute; with academic matters governed by a single senate with significant authorities conferred by the Regents and the Senate to the academic council of Grenfell; with the administrative responsibilities for Grenfell Campus entrusted to a Vice-President of Grenfell with a broadened academic mandate; that the Vice-President of Grenfell should report to the President of the University on broad issues of policy and become a member of the senior executive committee, working collaboratively with the other Vice-Presidents of MUN; should receive one comprehensive budget allocation from the Government of NL through the Department of Education with the Regents authorizing annual budget allocations to the St. John’s campus, the Grenfell Campus and the Marine Institute, but remaining accountable for the expenditures of all university funds which enables the Board of Regents to fulfill its responsibilities under the University Act and the Transparency and Accountability Acts while maintaining the University as an autonomous institution.

It is only with a comprehensive budget allocation consistent with the mandate approved for each entity that makes it possible for the Board of Regents to pursue and meet the stated goals of an integrated strategic plan.

This considered position of the Board of Regents the Government never bothered to discuss with the Regents during the months from receipt of the Report by the Government until it made its press release despite the best efforts of the Regents at dialogue.

Any significant change from this Statement of Principles of the Regents in my view will lead to grave difficulties since what is suggested as acceptable to the Government would provide a system where the Board of Regents will have to be arbitrating differences between a University at Grenfell and the University at St. John’s radically changing the role of the Board requiring significant extensive and expensive support mechanisms to be created causing most important decisions to become the subjects of political pressure from and contention with the Government, fatally destroying the autonomy of Memorial from political interference.

In this Statement, the Board proposed significant changes to give Grenfell increased academic flexibility over its courses and programs while insuring the maintenance of University-wide common standards for admission, programs, graduation and transferability of courses resting the administrative responsibilities for Grenfell in the position of Vice-President (Grenfell) with a broadened academic mandate rather than just the present position as Principal of Grenfell. This statement of the Board was completely ignored by the Government which failed to give the Board a chance to discuss these issues with the Premier or Members of the Government.

The current conclusion of the Government with respect to the feasibility study of its consultants that the Government might support an option that will grant Grenfell University status and a separate executive, senate and budget within a single Memorial University system with a common Board of Regents is a decision that, if made, in my view, should not be accepted as such an arrangement would make it impossible to manage and administer the affairs of the University without constant political interference from the Government of NL with constant and continuing battles as to how the resources of MUN are to be divided in the system between Grenfell and the rest of the principal entities of MUN.

Any suggestion that Grenfell should have increased autonomy with its own President, executive, academic structure and senate, while reporting to one Board is not acceptable since it will make impossible any rational administration of the MUN system that could operate in future free of political pressure and interference by the Government. Memorial would no longer have the autonomy that is necessary for universities to have in relation to the governments that support them. Any common system will be an invitation for continuous political interference with the Board by the Government of NL and is not supportable.

Any implementation of this recommendation of the Kelly/Davies study would give Grenfell full university status under the façade of continuing in an abomination called “The Memorial System”.

It is clear from public statements made by the Premier and Minister Marshall that recent events in connection with the governance of Grenfell have been initiated by them as the MHAs for the Districts of Humber East and West and so motivated by political self-interest. Their motivation was confirmed by the statement by Minister Marshall in his April 27th press release that the decision is “yet another example of the rejuvenation that the Corner Brook region is witnessing under the Williams’ government”.

In the 58 years since Memorial was established as a University, so far as I know, and I have known and dealt with all Presidents of the University, all Chairs of the Board of Regents and all Premiers, this is the only instance I know of where there has been such political interference in the management of Memorial which is the University created in the memory of those who served the Province and the British Empire so nobly in World War I and in world conflicts since then. All governments of NL since 1949 led by premier Smallwood, Moores, Peckford, Rideout, Wells, Tobin and Grimes have supported the public policy imperative that our Province should support one University only, the Memorial University.

The announcement made by the Williams’ administration at the time of the budget of April 27th has already damaged MUN in serious ways. Since the term of the present President Axel Meisen expires in 2008, the University has had to appoint a committee to conduct a search to find a new President to replace him.

With public evidence of conflict and differences of opinion existing between the present Williams’ administration and the present administration of MUN and with the prospect of likely future political interference by the present Government with MUN as the Board of Regents has to make decisions involving spending in this proposed new university system it will obviously be impossible to attract an excellent candidate to become President of Memorial. Excellent candidates are not likely to apply when they observe that the academic freedom and independence or autonomy of the University is threatened by an overbearing and autocratic government acting with obviously politically partisan motivations not appearing to care how much its actions and statements may weaken the University.

In addition to the detrimental effects the Government’s announcement of April 27th will have on the effort to find a replacement for President Meisen, widely recognized at having done an excellent job for the University, the Government’s public announcement, without any consultation with the Board responsible for the governance of the University under the Memorial Act will be disastrous in its effects on the new public campaign planned by the University to go to the public across Canada for funding for university purposes planned to go forward at the present time in the expectations of raising from the corporate sector and private individuals many millions of dollars needed to improve the funding of scholarships and fellowships, to improve the facilities of the University needed for teaching and for research.

Certainly potential donors are highly unlikely to be encouraged or motivated to make generous donations to a second major fundraiser campaign at this time by the University. As Chairman of the first general campaign across Canada to raise funds for the University, known as the Opportunity Fund Campaign initiated in 1995, which carried on until 2001, I know it resulted in MUN raising $29,620,000.00. That Campaign was undertaken during the period when there was no public evidence of any fundamental disagreement or differences between the Government of NL and the University while the Campaign was much assisted by the Tobin administration agreeing to match, dollar for dollar, every contribution made to the Opportunity Fund.

The Williams administration has not agreed to such an arrangement this time. The Government of NL has matched the opportunity fund with to date $26,400,000.00 on a dollar for dollar basis which together with interest earned on the money has caused $58,078,799.00 to be raised for the purposes of the University.

The experience of that Campaign persuades me that one of the major reasons for its success was the fact that we could point out that Memorial was the sole university in Newfoundland so that all funds gained would be spent without dispute or argument on the University, its students, facilities and programs without conflict or competition among a number of universities in the Province which would need funds raised for their purposes. It is difficult to see how a second major fundraising campaign at this time can be undertaken if there are major differences in contention between the Government of NL and MUN as to its future, as to how it operates and with the obvious threat that recent events show exists to the autonomy and independence of the University.

If a University is created at Grenfell, to attempt to have a common governing Board of Regents for the university at Grenfell and the university at St. John’s, would create more problems, tensions and disruption than even having Grenfell as a separate university.

If Grenfell is to become an independent university, which is most unwise, then it must be independent, completely separate and apart from Memorial, since the single system suggested cannot succeed and will result in the complete politicization of the decisions that any Board of Regents of Memorial must make.

The work done by the University in analyzing the consultant’s report reveals significant errors and failure to deal with such issues as the absence of a strategic development plan for Grenfell. The Report fails to deal with the need for an independent identity and autonomy of Memorial and certainly about who is to speak authoritatively for MUN when its voice becomes divided between two Presidents, with its Board of Regents becoming, in effect, a Board of arbitrators to decide conflicts between the two independent universities in the system. Complete separation is clearly to be preferred if the Government wishes to force its will upon Memorial University no matter how undesirable this is or how it weakens Memorial. The Report also fails to advance any proper or accurate analysis of the financial costs of the proposals made in the Report.

It is astounding that the Government of NL would take decisions of such importance to the future of post-secondary education in Newfoundland, changing a fundamental public policy of 58 years, without a public debate or full consultation with the University, all its stakeholders and the public, on matters that will cause conflict, strife and grave damage to Memorial.

The recommendations of the Kelly-Davis Report and the Government’s response totally ignore the fact of the decline of the population of NL in recent years. The University has had to struggle to achieve an enrolment of 17,800 students by campaigning vigorously within the Province, on the mainland and internationally to attract students to the University.

The Report completely ignores the demographics that are so important to the present economic situation of NL. In 1999 there were 3733 high school graduates eligible to become students at MUN. By 2005 the number of eligible high school graduates had declined to 2,493.

This problem is even more serious for the Corner Brook area where the number of eligible high school graduates in 1999 was 182 while in 2005 there were 122. At Stephenville the number of eligible high school graduates were 259 in 1999 but by 2005 had declined to 119.

The Kelly-Davies Report does not deal at all with demographic challenges to University enrolments in this Province. The fact that enrolments at Grenfell now stand at around 1150 (1350 as a total with the inclusion of the Western School of Nursing) is not even discussed seriously in the feasibility report!

Memorial University of Newfoundland is one of the Province’s important institutions, a source of pride for our people. Its defining ethos is deeply inscribed in traditions larger than quarrels between the cities of St. John’s and Corner Brook. The University’s role has been as a living memorial and with deep meaning throughout the Province. A distinguished University has been established and created in our 58 years of Confederation. Who is to speak for Memorial University if its voice becomes ambiguous because divided between two Presidents?

The consultants and those who advocate academic and administrative autonomy for Grenfell apparently don’t hesitate to endanger or diminish the autonomy of Memorial vis a vis the provincial Government. The very commissioning of this Report by Government and the way it has being handled by the Government indicates there are serious threats to the autonomy of Memorial University that need to be resolved if it is to continue to produce effective, high quality educational programs, maintain academic freedom, continue research in public issues, in an environment that is safe and protected from external sanctions.

Wednesday, June 20, 2007

All NL all the time

An embarrassment of riches today: four pieces in the Globe and Mail this morning on NL and the issues facing it. And who says we get no attention from the national media?

One comes out of the NOIA oil industry conference and covers his speech ('No compromise on Hebron: Williams Newfoundland Premier says he won't yield to pressure and sign 'a deal for the sake of a deal'). Related to that, the national media are responding to Ottawa's release the text of NRCAN Minister Gary Lunn's broadside(?) he was supposed to unleash on Premier Williams until Lunn's plane turned back because of fog.

The third outlines Premier MacDonald's and John Crosbie's appearance in front of the Senate and their opposition to the federal budget do to its Atlantic Accord provisions.

Finally, Jefferey Simpson's column on NL outmigration. It makes for sobering reading. Simpson will be speaking at NOIA today and tomorrow. Here's the text.

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Buffeted by the winds of the great migration
JEFFREY SIMPSON, June 20, 2007

ST. JOHN'S -- Could anybody in Ontario imagine their province losing 1.5-million people in the past 15 years? Could anybody in British Columbia get their mind around their province shrinking by 500,000 people since 1991?

Yet a decline of commensurate size happened in Newfoundland. Since 1991, its population fell by 12 per cent, or about 70,000 people.

The very young and the very old didn't leave. Young and middle-aged adults did - the people who work, pay taxes, raise families, support others. The decline was greatest after the cod moratorium, but it persists today. And it will continue. Today's population is about 510,000. Under the best scenario, it will fall to 495,000 by 2020; under the worst, 460,000.

More difficult still, the population is aging, quickly. The entire Canadian population's demographic profile is getting older, but Newfoundland's is getting older faster. In a generation, Newfoundland has gone from having the country's youngest population profile to its oldest. In the 1970s, Newfoundland had the country's highest birth rate. It now has the lowest, courtesy of people of child-rearing age having left.

For decades, politicians of all stripes, and at both levels of government, have pledged to revive rural Newfoundland. These promises continue. There are pockets of modest revival, sometimes because people who went to Alberta or other places "away" came back with money. These are the exceptions, in fact, if not in rhetoric.

Agencies, task forces, royal commissions, studies, programs and billions of dollars have been thrown at the problem. The political culture of the province requires the suspension of belief, a culture no political figure dares challenge.

Meanwhile, here is what is happening - because people took rational decisions in their own self-interest - and what is projected to occur.

According to provincial statistics, of the province's 20 "economic zones," only two have kept steady populations: the Avalon peninsula that encompasses St. John's, and northern Labrador with its aboriginal peoples. Every other one has lost people in the past 15 years, with the decline ranging from 12 to 30 per cent.

The reporting of the raw numbers of decline doesn't tell the whole story because it misses who is left behind.

Take the southwest corner, Stephenville and Port aux Basques. In 1986, it had 15,200 people aged 1 to 19, but only 3,100 people over 65. The ratio then was five young people to every senior. Today the ratio is 3 to 2, and by 2020 it will be about 1 to 2, or about 4,000 young people for almost 8,000 seniors.

Another example: the Burin peninsula on the south coast. In 1986, it had 11,600 people under 19 and 2,500 seniors, for a ratio of about 4.5 to 1. By 2020 it will be about 3 to 4, with 2,800 young people and 4,300 seniors.

Today's median age is 41. By 2020, it will be about 49, but much higher in the rural areas. In 2006, for the first time, Newfoundland recorded more deaths than births, the only province where that occurred. Said the province's finance department, "there appears to be no relief in the foreseeable future for demographic issues stemming from declining births and rising deaths."

The depopulation of rural Newfoundland, in the face of every policy to arrest it, leaves the province with big delivery and spending problems.

A rapidly aging population means higher health-care costs. Outports, even shrunken ones, still need roads plowed, children educated, police on call, but the economy of scale of providing those services grows worse.

Facing these facts, and they are facts, is politically very hard. It is easier to speak of hope, revival, return, and to offer another plan. It is a completely nefarious myth that Newfoundlanders do not wish to work. Newfoundlanders would not have left, and be leaving, in such great numbers if they were shifters.

The work, however, is not there in large swaths of the province. People know it. But governments cannot admit it, and so maintain policies designed to blow against, rather than with, the winds of the great migration.

Thursday, April 19, 2007

He's right this time

It's no secret I've had little patience with the way federal-provincial relations have been conducted by this provincial government over the last few years.

I've never subscribed to the school of thought that says that the ideal NL politician has to come from the mould of the fighting Newfoundlander (and/or Labradorian).

You know the kind. We've had Smallwood and two Brians and now we have Premier Williams. Their defining characteristic is their willingness to drop their gloves at the slightest provocation and to fight fight fight for the people of the province.

They have been the enforcers of the province's rights and privileges in that great national hockey game of federal-provincial relations; political goons with the sharp elbows and the high stick.

But rarely are they able to do what this province really needs - score more goals and win more games.

And that applies to Premier Williams more than most past premiers. We thought we were electing a great negotiator. Instead we elected a showboating scrapper who has politically isolated himself and this province across the country while goosing local polls to stratospheric levels.

I always held the opinion that the best background and education for a NL premier would be a stint at the United Nations. I suspect that a successful diplomat with the negotiating skills to build bridges to other provinces, grease the way with the federal government and pave the way with industry to produce economic developments could accomplish great things.

A diplomat understands that your friend yesterday might be your enemy tomorrow and your ally next week. A negotiator recognizes that a great deal is one where everybody gives some, everybody gains some and everybody goes home happy.

But that just isn't possible with this premier. His enemy yesterday is his enemy today and his enemy next week and forever. And you don't need to take my word for it. I'm sure if you took aside Fabian Manning or Elizabeth Marshall or John Crosbie or any other of a number of good, faithful (Progressive) Conservatives of great integrity and skill, they might tell you the same.

And unless you can accept the idea that any set of negotiations must inevitably result in his win and your total and humiliating loss, then you had best take your business elsewhere. Again, my word for this doesn't count nearly as much as the word from any of the Hebron partners, for example.

In politics, friends come and go but enemies accumulate.

This is a long way to noting that in Premier Williams' latest salvo over the NL-fed equalisation dispute yesterday, Premier Williams called upon federal Finance Minister Jim Flaherty to resign.

It's worthwhile noting also that so far, in addition to calling on Flaherty's resignation, he's also called for the resignation of regional minister Loyola Hearn. While he hasn't yet called on the other local Conservative MP's , Fabian Manning and Norm Doyle, to resign immediately he has called on them to hang their heads in shame.

Just as well Norm Doyle is declining to run again. As for Manning, since Premier Williams has already promised a goose egg of federal Conservative MPs in the next election, Williams' threat to Manning could be considered a call for deferred involuntary resignation.

As for the federal government itself in toto, he has said that he can't wait until this government falls and another takes it's place.

So Premier Williams has called for the immediate or delayed resignation, or otherwise removal from office, of just about everyone in sight.

What's left for Premier Williams to do to get his point across?

Well, he does have the option of a cross-country speaking campaign. But he's already done that.

He could take out newspaper ads to slag the federal government and put forward the province's point of view. But he's already done that too. And of course there's always an alliance with another province in a similar spot to tag-team the feds into submission.

I think I've heard that he's already tried something like that too.

But here's the real question: after calling down the lightning, thunder and rain onto the heads of the terrible enemies of this province (that evil federal government) over and over again for political disputes of all kinds, will anybody pay attention anymore?

And, is this dispute with the federal government different in kind from the Williams-Ottawa disputes that have gone before?

I believe this dispute is different from the ones that have gone before. Previous fights with Ottawa were about money. And there will always be disputes with Ottawa about money. But this one is different because it now affects fundamental pieces of enabling legislation.

The federal government wants to unilaterally amend the 1985 Atlantic Accord.

The 1985 Atlantic Accord is not like other pieces of federal legislation. This Act was negotiated between the province and the federal government over many years to effectively transfer portions of federal jurisdiction to this province. Once agreement was reached, both levels of governments passed enabling legislation.

We forget that we don't own the oil offshore - we never did, we don't now and we never will. Ownership is in the hands of the federal government and that has been definitively confirmed by the highest provincial and federal courts.

But under this Act we are given the right to control development, to tax and otherwise manage the resource as if it were on land.

In effect, because of the nature and scope of the Atlantic Accord, it has a status above other normal pieces of legislation and falls just below the level of the constitution itself. It has the effect of a bilateral constitutional agreement.

To unilaterally amend this Act, without even informing this province, is unacceptable.

If the federal government can move forward on actions like this then it could unilaterally overturn any previously negotiated federal-provincial agreement at will and shred the fabric of prior negotiated settlements that has knitted this country together.

This is not right and Premier Williams is within his rights to make as much noise and generate as much pressure as he can to overturn this decision.

It's just too bad that Williams has no more diplomatic tools at his disposal when he, and this province, has so much need for them.